The history of the Polish Constitutional Court ( Trybunał Konstytucyjny , hereinafter: the CC) shows that it has been one of the most respected constitutional organs. Although the CC has ruled on many controversial cases, and its case-law sometimes has been heavily criticized, until 2015, it had never become the object of a direct political attack. The ongoing constitutional crisis in Poland started a few months after the new Constitutional Court Act of 25 th June 2015 (hereinafter: the CCA of 2015) had come into force. The CCA of 2015 replaced the previous Constitutional Court Act of 1997 (the CCA of 1997). The draft of the new Act (CCA of 2015) was presented by the former President, Bronisław Komorowski, already in 2013. Yet, the parliamentary proceeding on the draft came to a standstill until May 2015 [2]. On 25th of June Sejm adopted the CAA of 2015. It was signed by the outgoing President Komorowski [3] on one of his last days in office and soon thereafter became binding law. Promulgated on 30th of July 2015 it entered in force 30 days later, on 30 th of August 2015). * Alexander Hamilton made this claim in Federalist #78. Amongst the others, he stated: “It may truly be said to have neither FORCE nor WILL, but merely judgment”. [1] A. Śledzińska-Simon, available at: Midnight Judges: Poland’s Constitutional Tribunal Caught Between Political Fronts, VerfBlog, 2015/11/23, http://verfassungsblog.de/midnight-judges-polands-constitutional-tribunal-caught-between-political-fronts/. On 29 th of August 2013 the President submitted a draft Act on the CC to Sejm. The rationale for the draft act was developed by a team (composed, among the others, of former CC judges) headed by the President of the CC. On 3 rd of October 2014 Sejm initiated works on the draft Act on the CC. On 1 st of April 2015 the Extraordinary Subcommittee on the draft Act on the Constitutional Court started to work on the draft. On 9 th of April 2015 the report of the Extraordinary Subcommittee was submitted by the President to Sejm. On 10 th of May 2015 the first round of presidential elections was held. Andrzej Duda obtained 34.76% of votes, while Bronisław Komorowski 33.77%. Two weeks later, in the second round of elections Andrzej Duda obtained 51.55% of votes and won the elections.
Lo presente studio affronta il tema della crisi costituzionale che la Polonia sta attraversando. Fin dal suo inizio , il Tribunale Costituzionale gode dei più alti livelli di fiducia sociale. Nonostante le crtiche o le controversie che talvolta sono emerse su alcuni giudizi, fino all’anno scorso il Tribunale non è stato mai oggetto di attacchi politici diretti. La crisi, provocata dal conflitto sulla sua composizione, avvenuta anche negli altri ordinamenti sotto forma del court packing plan, evolve verso una situazione in cui tutte le sue attività vengano compromesse. L' attuale governo polacco nega validità alle decisioni del Tribunale e ha rifiutato di pubblicarne alcune. Istituzioni internazionali, tra cui il Consiglio d’Europa e l’Unione europea, hanno sollevato gravi obiezioni in proposito.
Niniejszy artykuł dotyczy kryzysu konstytucyjnego wokół Trybunału Konstytucyjnego w Polsce. Trybunał Konstytucyjny był od początku swojego istnienia uznawany za organ cieszący się jednym z wyższych wskaźników zaufania społecznego. Mimo kontrowersyjności niektórych orzeczeń i krytyki kierowanej pod ich adresem, nigdy, do ostatniego roku, TK nie był się obiektem bezpośredniego politycznego ataku. Trwający spór polityczny wokół Trybunału Konstytucyjnego, choć pierwotnie dotyczący znanego innym systemom pomysłu obsadzenia sądu „swoimi sędziami” ( court packing plan ), ewoluuje w kierunku próby pełnego sparaliżowania prac tego organu. Obecny rząd i większość parlamentarna negują ważność orzeczeń TK i odmawiają części z nich publikacji. Budzi to poważne zastrzeżenia ze strony podmiotów międzynarodowych, w tym Rady Europy oraz Unii Europejskiej.
Ta pozycja jest udostępniona na licencji Attribution-NoDerivs 3.0 Poland